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SECTION III. Supplement to the Journey of Fitch434

INTRODUCTION.

In Hakluyt's collection, p. 235-376, are given letters from queen Elizabeth to Akbar Shah, Mogul emperor of Hindostan, called there Zelabdim Echebar, king of Cambaia, and to the king or emperor of China, dated 1583. These are merely complimentary, and for the purpose of recommending John Newbery and his company to the protection and favour of these eastern sovereigns, in case of visiting their dominions; and need not therefore be inserted in this place. The following articles however, are of a different description, consisting of several letters from John Newbery and Ralph Fitch to different friends in England; and of an extract from the work of John Huighen Van Linschoten, who was in Goa in December 1583, upon their arrival at that emporium of the Portuguese trade in India, affording a full confirmation of the authenticity of the expedition thus far. –E.


No. 1.-Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, author of the Voyages, &c.

Right well beloved, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me unto you, hoping that you are in good health, &c. After we set sail from Gravesend on the 13th of February, we remained on our coast till the 11th of March, when we sailed from Falmouth, and never anchored till our arrival in the road of Tripoli in Syria, on the 30th of April. After staying fourteen days there, we came to this place, Aleppo, on the 20th of this present month of May, where we have now been eight days, and in five or six days, with Gods help, we go from hence towards the Indies. Since my arrival at Tripoli, I have made diligent inquiry, both there and here, for the book of Cosmography of Abulfeda Ismael, but cannot hear of it. Some say that it may possibly be had in Persia; but I shall not fail to make inquiry for it both in Babylon and Balsara [Bagdat and Basora], and if I can find it in either of these places, shall send it you from thence. The letter which you gave me to copy out, which came from Mr Thomas Stevens in Goa, as also the note you gave me of Francis Fernandez the Portuguese, I brought away with me inadvertantly among other writings; both of which I now return you inclosed.

Great preparations are making here for the wars in Persia; and already is gone from hence the pacha of a town called Rahemet, and shortly after the pachas of Tripoli and Damascus are to follow; but they have not in all above 6000 men. They go to a town called Asmerome [Erzerum], three days journey from Trebesond, where they are to meet with sundry captains and soldiers from Constantinople and other places, to go altogether into Persia. This year many men go for these wars, as has been the case every year since they began, now about eight years, but very few return again; although they have had the advantage over the Persians, and have won several castles and strong holds in that country.

Make my hearty commendations to Mr Peter Guillame, Mr Philip Jones, Mr Walter Warner, and all the rest of our friends. Mr Fitch sends his hearty commendations; and so I commit you to the tuition of Almighty God, whom I pray to bless and keep you, and send us a joyful meeting.

From Aleppo, the 28th of May 1583.

Your loving friend to command in all that I may,

JOHN NEWBERY.


No. 2.-Letter from Mr John Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore of London.

My last was sent you on the 25th of February last from Deal out of the Downs, after which, in consequence, of contrary winds, we remained on the coast of England till the 11th March, when we sailed from Falmouth. The 13th the wind came contrary with a great storm, by which some of our goods were wet; but, God be thanked, no great hurt was done. After this, we sailed with a fair wind within the Straits, continuing our voyage and anchoring no where till the 30th of April, when we arrived in the road of Tripoli in Syria, which was a good passage, God make us thankful for it. We left Tripoli on the 14th of this month of May, and arrived here at Aleppo on the 20th; and with Gods help we begin our voyage to-morrow for Bagdat and Basora, and so to India.

Our friend Mr Barret, commendeth him to you, and sent you a ball [bale?] of nutmegs in the Emanuel, for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope you have long since received. He has also by his letter informed you how he sold these things, whereof I say nothing, neither having seen the account nor demanded it; for, ever since our coming hither, he has been constantly occupied about the dispatch of the ship and about our voyage, and I likewise in purchasing things here to carry to Basora and India. We have bought coral to the value of 1200 ducats, amber for 400, and some soap and broken glass and other small matters, which I hope will serve well for the places we are going to. All the rest of the account of the bark Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which amounted to 3600 ducats, being L.200 more than they were rated; as Mr Staper rated them at L.1100, and it is L.1300; so that our part is L.200, besides such profit as it shall please God to send thereof; wherefore you would do well to speak to Mr Staper for the account.

If you could resolve to travel for three or four years, I would advise you to come here, or to go to Cairo, if any go there. For we doubt not, if you were to remain here three or four months, you would like the place so well, that I think you would not desire to return in less than three or four years; as, were it my chance to remain in any place out of England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, that the place is healthful and pleasant, and the profits good; and doubtless the profits will be better hereafter, things being carried on in an orderly manner. In every ship, the fourth part of her cargo should come in money, which would help to put off the rest of our commodities at a good price. It were also proper that two good ships should come together, for mutual assistance, in which case the danger of the voyage would be as little as from London to Antwerp.

Mr Giles Porter and Mr Edmund Porter went from Tripoli in a small bark to Jaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14th of this month of May, so that I have no doubt they are long since in Jerusalem. God send them and us a safe return. At this instant, I have received the account from Mr Barret, and the rest of the rings, with 22 ducats and 2 medins in ready money; so there remaineth nothing in his hands but a few books, and I left certain small trifles with Thomas Bostocke, which I pray you to demand.

From Aleppo, the 29th May 1583.


No. 3.-Letter from Mr John Newbery to the same.

My last was of the 29th May from Aleppo, sent by George Gill, purser of the Tiger. We left that place on the 31st, and came to Feluchia, which is one days journey from Babylon [Bagdat], on the 19th of June. Yet some of our company came not hither till the 30th of June, for want of camels to carry our goods; for by reason of the great heats at this time of the year, camels are very hard to be got. Since our coming here we have found very scanty sales, but are told our commodities will sell well in winter, which I pray God may be the case. I think cloth, kersies, and tin have never been here so low as now. Yet, if I had here as much ready money as our goods are worth, I would not doubt to make a very good profit of the voyage here and at Basora, and as it is, with Gods help, there will be reasonable profit made of the adventure. But, with half money and half commodities, the best sort of spices and other merchandise from India, may be bought at reasonable rates, while without money there is very little to be done here at this time to purpose. Two days hence, God willing, I purpose going from hence to Basora, and from thence I must necessarily go to Ormus, for want of a man who speaks the Indian tongue. While at Aleppo, I hired two Nazarenes, one of whom has been twice in India, and speaks the language well; but he is a very lewd fellow, wherefore I will not take him with me.

The following are the prices of wares, as they are worth here at present: Cloves and mace the bateman, 5 ducats; cinnamon, 6 ducats, and very little to be had; ginger, 40 medins; pepper, 75 medins; turbetta435, 50 medins; neel [or indigo], the churle 70 ducats: the churle is 27-1/2 rotils of Aleppo; silk, much better than that which comes from Persia, 11-1/2 ducats the bateman, each bateman being 7 pounds 5 ounces English.

From Bagdat this 20th July 1583.


No. 4.-Letter from, John Newbery to Messrs John Eldred and William Scales at Basora.

Time will not permit to give you an account of my voyage after my departure from you. But on the 4th day of this present September, we arrived here at Ormus; and the 10th day I and the rest were committed to prison. The middle of next month, or thereabout, the captain proposes sending us all in his ship to Goa. The cause for which we have been imprisoned is said to be, because we brought letters from Don Antonio: But the truth is, Michael Stropene is the only cause, through letters written to him by his brother from Aleppo. God knows how we may be dealt with at Goa; and therefore, if you our masters can procure that the king of Spain may send his letters for our release, you would do us great good, for they cannot with any justice put us to death, though it may be that they will cut our throats, or keep us long in prison. Gods will be done.

All the commodities I brought to this place had been well sold, if this trouble had not come upon us. You shall do well to send a messenger in all speed by land from Basora to Aleppo, to give notice of this mischance, even though it may cost 30 or 40 crowns, that we may be the sooner released, and I shall thereby be the better able to recover again what is now like to be lost.

From prison in Ormus, this 21st September 1583.


No. 5.-Letter Mr J. Newbery to Messrs Eldred and Scales.

The bark of the Jews is arrived here two days ago, by which I am sure you wrote; but your letters are not likely to come to my hands. The bringer of this hath shewed me very great courtesy, for which I pray you to shew him what favour you can. About the middle of next month, I think we shall depart from hence: God be our guide. I think Andrew will go by land to Aleppo; and I pray you to further him what you may: But, if he should not go, then I pray you to dispatch a messenger in all speed. I can say no more, but beg you to do for me what I should do for you in the like case.

From prison in Ormus, the 24th September 1583.


No. 6.-Letter from Mr Newbery to Mr Leonard Poore.

My last from Ormus certified you what had happened to me there, with the rest of my company; as in four days after our arrival we were all committed to prison, except one Italian, who came with me from Aleppo, whom the captain never examined, except asking what countryman he was; but I believe Michael Stropene, who accused us, had informed the captain of him. The first day of our arrival at Ormus, this Stropene accused us of being spies for Don Antonio, besides diverse other lies; yet if we had been of any other country than England, we might freely have traded with them. Although we be Englishmen, I know no reason why we may not as well trade from place to place as the natives of other countries; for all nations may and do come freely to Ormus, as Frenchmen, Flemings, Germans, Hungarians, Italians, Greeks, Armenians, Nazarenes, Turks, Moors, Jews, and Gentiles, Persians, and Muscovites. In short, there is no nation they seek to trouble, but only ours; wherefore it were contrary to all justice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and forbid us. Now indeed I have as great liberty as those of any other nation, except it be to leave the country, which as yet I desire not. But hereafter, and I think ere long, if I shall be desirous to go from hence, that they will not refuse me licence. Before we were suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in sureties for 2000 pardaos, not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy; and except this, we have now as much liberty as any one, for I have got back our goods, and have taken a house in the chiefest street called the Rue drette, where we sell our goods.

There were two causes which moved the captain of Ormus to imprison us, and afterwards to send us to Goa. The first was because Michael Stropene had most falsely accused us of many matters. The other was, because when Mr Drake was at the Molucca islands, he caused two pieces of cannon to be fired at a Portuguese galeon belonging to the king, at least so they allege. But of these things I did not know when at Ormus. In the same ship which brought us to Goa, came the chief justice of Ormus, called the veedor general of that place, who had been there three years, so that his time was expired. This veedor is a great friend to the captain of Ormus, and sent for me into his chamber, one day after coming here to Goa, and began to demand many things at me, to which I made answers. Among other things, he said that Mr Drake had been sent out of England with many ships, and had gone to Molucca where he loaded cloves, and finding a Portuguese galeon there belonging to the king, had shot two pieces of his great ordnance against her. Perceiving this grieved them much, I asked if they meant to be revenged on me for what had been done by Mr Drake: To which he answered no; though his meaning was yes.

He said moreover, that the captain of Ormus had sent me to Goa, that the viceroy might learn the news from me respecting Don Antonio, and whether he were in England or not; and that it might possibly be all for the best my being sent hither; which I trust in God may so fall out, though contrary to his expectation and intention: For, if it had not pleased God to influence the minds of the archbishop, and two padres or Jesuits of the college of St Paul, to stand our friends, we might have rotted in prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who has two young men in his service, one called Bernard Borgers born in Hamburgh, and the other named John Linscot436, a native of Enkhuysen, who did us especial service; for by them the archbishop was often reminded of our case. The two good fathers who laboured so much for us were padre Mark, a native of Bruges in Flanders, and padre Thomas Stevens437, born in Wiltshire in England. I chanced likewise to fall in with here a young man, Francis de Rea, who was born in Antwerp, but was mostly brought up in London, with whom I became acquainted in Aleppo, who also has done me much service.

We remained many days in prison at Ormus, and were a long while at sea coming hither. Immediately on our arrival at this place we were sent to prison, whence next day we were brought before the chief justice or veedor, to be examined, after which we were remanded to prison. When we had been thirteen days in prison, James Storie, the painter who accompanied us, went into the monastery of St Paul, where he remains, being made one of the company, which life he seems to like438. Upon St Thomas day, 12th December, 22 days after our arrival here, I was liberated from prison, and the next day Ralph Fitch and William Bets439 came out.

If these troubles had not occurred, I think I was in a fair way of making as good a voyage as was ever made with such a sum of money. Many of our things I sold very well, both here and at Ormus while in prison, although the captain of Ormus wished me to have sold all I had before I embarked; so, by his permission, I went sundry times from the castle in the mornings, accompanied by officers, and sold things, and returned again at night to prison. They wrote down every thing that I sold; and at my embarking, the captain directed me to deliver all my money and goods into the hands of the scrivano or purser of the ship, which I did, and the scrivano left an acknowledgement with the captain, that myself with the money and goods should be delivered up to the veedor general in India. But on our arrival here, the veedor would not meddle with either money or goods, seeing that no crime was substantiated against us: Wherefore the goods remained in the ship nine or ten days after our arrival; and then, as the ship was to sail from thence, the scrivano sent the goods on shore, where they remained a day and a night without any one to receive them. In the end, they permitted the bearer of this letter to receive them, who put them into a house which he hired for me, in which they remained four or five days. When afterwards they ought to have delivered the money, it was ordered by the veedor, that both the money and goods should be given into the custody of the positor, where they remained for fourteen days after I was liberated from prison.

When in Aleppo, I bought a fountain of silver gilt, six knives, six spoons, and one fork, all trimmed with coral, for 25 chekins, which the captain of Ormus took to himself and only paid 20 pardaos, or 100 larines, though they were worth there or here at Goa 100 chekins. Also he had five emeralds set in gold, worth five or six hundred crowns, for which he only paid 100 pardaos. He likewise took 19-1/2 pikes of cloth, which cost 20 shillings the pike at London, and was worth 9 or 10 crowns the pike at Ormus, for which he only paid 12 larines. He also had two pieces of green kersie, worth 24 pardaos each; besides divers other more trifling articles which he and the officers took at similar inferior prices, and some for nothing at all. But the real cause of all was Michal Stropene, who came to Ormus without a penny, and is now worth thirty or forty thousand crowns, and is grieved that any stranger should trade there but himself. But that shall not avail him; for I trust yet to go both hither and thither, and to buy and sell as freely as he or any other.

There is a great deal of good to be done here in divers of our commodities; and likewise there is much profit to be made with the commodities of this country, when carried to Aleppo. It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to read, all the incidents which have occurred to me since we parted; but the bearer is able to inform you of every thing that has befallen me since my arrival in Ormus. It is my intention to remain here in Goa; wherefore, if you write me, you may send your letters to some friend in Lisbon, to be forwarded from thence by the India ships. Let your direction, therefore be in Portuguese or Spanish, by which they will the more readily reach me.

From Goa, this 20th of January 1584.


No, 7.-Letter from Mr Ralph Fitch to Mr Leonard Poore.

Loving friend, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I have not written you, because at Bagdat I was ill of flux, and continued in all the way thence to Basora, which was twelve days journey down the Tigris, when we had extremely hot weather, bad fare, and worse lodging, all of which increased my disease; besides which our boat was pestered with people. During eight entire days I hardly eat any thing, so that if we had been two days longer on the water, I verily believe I had died. But, thanks be to God, I presently mended after coming to Basora. We remained there fourteen days, when we embarked for Ormus, where we arrived on the 5th of September, and were put in prison on the 9th of the same month, where we continued till the 11th of October, and were then shipt for this city of Goa, in the ship belonging to the captain of Ormus, with 114 horses440, and about 200 men. Passing by Diu and Chaul, at which place we landed on the 20th November, we arrived at Goa on the 29th of that month, where, for our better entertainment, we were committed to a fair strong prison, in which we continued till the 22d of December. It pleased God, that there were two padres there who befriended us, the one an Englishman named Thomas Stevens, the other a Fleming named Marco, both Jesuits of the college of St Paul. These good men sued for us to the viceroy and other officers, and stood us in such good stead as our lives and goods were worth: But for them, even if we had escaped with our lives, we must have suffered a long imprisonment.

When we had been fourteen days in prison, they offered us leave to go at large in the town, if we would give sureties, for 2000 ducats, not to depart the country without the licence of the viceroy. Being unable to procure any such, the before mentioned friendly fathers of St Paul procured sureties for us. The Italians are much offended and displeased at our enlargement, and many wonder at our delivery. James Storie the painter has gone into the cloister of St Paul, as one of their order, and seems to like the situation. While we were in prison, both at Ormus and here, a great deal of our goods were pilfered and lost, and we have been at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that much of our property is consumed. Of what remains, much will sell very well, and for some we will get next to nothing. The viceroy is gone to Chaul and Diu as it is said to win a castle of the Moors, and it is thought he will return about Easter; when I trust in God we shall procure our liberty, and have our sureties discharged. It will then, I think, be our best way for one or both of us to return, as our troubles have been very great, and because so much of our goods have been spoiled and lost: But if it should please God that I come to England, I will certainly return here again. It is a charming country, and extremely fruitful, having summer almost the whole year, but the most delightful season is about Christmas. The days and nights are of equal length throughout the whole year, or with very little difference; and the country produces a most wonderful abundance of fruit. After all our troubles we are fat and in good health, for victuals are plentiful and cheap. I omit to inform you of many strange things till we meet, as it would be too long to write of them. And thus I commit you to God, &c.

From Goa in the East Indies, 25th January 1584.


No. 8.-The Report of John Huighen van Linschoten, concerning the imprisonment of Newbery and Fitch; which happened while he was at Goa.

In the month of December 1583, four Englishmen arrived at Ormus, who came by way of Aleppo in Syria, having sailed from England by the Mediterranean to Tripoli, a town and haven in Syria, where all ships discharge their wares and merchandise for Aleppo, to which they are carried by land, which is a journey of nine days. In Aleppo there reside many merchants and factors of all nations, as Italians, French, English, Armenians, Turks, and Moors, every one following his own religion, and paying tribute to the grand Turk. It. is a place of great trade, whence twice every year there go two cafilas or caravans, containing great companies of people and camels, which travel to India, Persia, Arabia, and all the adjoining countries, dealing in all kinds of merchandise both to and from these countries, as I have already declared in another part of this book.

Three of these Englishmen were sent by the company of English who reside in Aleppo, to see if they might keep any factors at Ormus, and so traffic in that place, as the Italians do, that is the Venetians, who have their factors in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca, and trade there, both for pearls and precious stones, and for other wares and spices of these countries, which are carried thence over-land to Venice. One of these Englishmen, Mr John Newbery, had been once before in the said town of Ormus, and had there taken good information of the trade; and on his advice the others were then come hither along with him, bringing great store of merchandise; such as cloths, saffron, all kinds of drinking glasses and haberdashery wares, as looking-glasses, knives, and such like stuff; and to conclude, they brought with them every kind of small wares that can be thought of.

Although these wares amounted to great sums of money, they were yet only as a shadow or colour, to give no occasion of mistrust or suspicion, as their principal intention was to purchase great quantities of precious stones, as diamonds, pearls, rubies, &c. to which end they brought with them a great sum of money in silver and gold, and that very secretly, that they might not be robbed of it, or run into danger on its account441. On their arrival at Ormus, they hired a shop and began to sell their wares; which being noticed by the Italians, whose factors reside there as I said before, and fearing if these Englishmen got good vent for their commodities, that they would become residents and so daily increase, which would be no small loss and hindrance to them, they presently set about to invent subtle devices to hinder them. To which end, they went immediately to the captain of Ormus, who was then Don Gonzalo de Menezes442, saying that these Englishmen were heretics come to spy the country, and that they ought to be examined and punished as enemies, for a warning to others. Being friendly to these Englishmen, as one of them had been there before and had given him presents, the captain could not be prevailed upon to injure them, but shipped them with all their wares for Goa, sending them to the viceroy, that he might examine and deal with them as he thought good.

Upon their arrival at Goa, they were cast into prison, and were in the first place examined whether or not they were good Christians. As they could only speak very bad Portuguese, while two of them spoke good Dutch, having resided several years in the low countries, a Dutch Jesuit who was born at Bruges in Flanders, and had resided thirty years in India, was sent to them, to undermine and examine them; in which they behaved so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good and Catholic Christians; yet were they still suspected, as being strangers and Englishmen. The Jesuits told them that they would be sent prisoners into Portugal, and advised them to leave off their trade in merchandise, and to become Jesuits; promising in return to defend them from all their troubles. The cause of thus earnestly persuading them was this: The Dutch Jesuit had been secretly informed that they had great sums of money, and sought to get that for the order; as the first vow and promise made on becoming a Jesuit is, to procure and advance the welfare of the order by every possible means. Although the Englishmen refused this, saying that they were quite unfit for such matters, yet one of them, a painter, who came with the other three to see the country and seek his fortune, and was not sent by the English merchants, partly through fear, and partly from want of means to relieve himself from prison, promised to become a Jesuit. And although the fathers knew that he was not one of those who had the treasure, yet, because he was a painter, of whom there are few in India, and that they had great need of one to paint their church, which would cost them great charges to bring from Portugal, they were very glad of him, and hoped in time to get all the rest, with all their money, into their fellowship.

To conclude, they made this painter a Jesuit, and he continued some time in their college, where they gave him plenty of work to perform, and entertained him with all the favour and friendship they could devise, all to win the rest to become their prey. But the other three remained in prison in great fear, because they did not understand any who came to them, neither did any one understand what they said. They were at last informed of certain Dutchmen who dwelt with the archbishop, and were advised to send for them, at which they greatly rejoiced, and sent for me and another Dutchman, desiring us to come and speak with them, which we presently did. With tears in their eyes, they complained to us of their hard usage, explaining to us distinctly, as is said before, the true cause of their coming to Ormus, and praying us for God's sake to help them to their liberty upon sureties, declaring themselves ready to endure whatever could be justly ordained for them, if they were found to be otherwise than they represented, or different from other travelling merchants who sought to profit by their wares.

Promising to do our best for them, we at length prevailed on the archbishop to deliver a petition for them to the viceroy, and persuaded him to set them at liberty and restore their goods, on condition of giving security to the amount of 2000 pardaos, not to depart the country without licence. Thereupon they presently found a citizen who became their surety in 2000 pardaos, to whom they paid in hand 1300, as they said they had no more money; wherefore he gave them credit for the rest, seeing that they had great store of merchandise, through which he might at any time be satisfied, if needful. By these means they were delivered out of prison, on which they hired a house, and began to open shop; so that they sold many of their goods, and were presently well known among the merchants, as they always respected gentlemen, especially such as bought their wares, shewing them much honour and courtesy, by which they won much credit, and were beloved of all men, so that all favoured them, and were ready to shew them favour. To us they shewed great friendship, and for our sakes the archbishop favoured them much, and gave them good countenance, which they well knew how to increase by offering him many presents, although he would not receive them, as he never accepted gift or present from any person. They behaved themselves in all things so discreetly, that no one carried an evil eye or evil thought towards them. This did not please the Jesuits, as it hindered what they still wished and hoped for; so that they still ceased not to intimidate them by means of the Dutch Jesuit, intimating that they would be sent prisoners to Portugal, and counselling them to become Jesuits in the cloister of St Paul, when they would be securely defended from all troubles. The Dutchman pretended to give them this advice as a friend, and one who knew certainly that it was so determined in the viceroy's council, and that he only waited till the ship sailed for Portugal; using this and other devices to put them in fear, and so to effect their purpose.

The Englishmen durst not say any thing to the contrary, but answered that they would remain as they were yet a little while and consider their proposal, thus putting the Jesuits in hopes of their compliance. The principal of these Englishmen, John Newbery, often complained to me, saying that he knew not what to think or say of these things, or how they might get rid of these troubles. In the end, they determined with themselves to depart from Goa; and secretly, by means of other friends, they employed their money in the purchase of precious stones, which they were the better able to effect as one of them was a jeweller, who came with them for that purpose. Having concluded on this step, they durst not make it known to any one, not even to us, although they used to consult us on all occasions and tell us every thing they knew.

On one of the Whitson holidays, they went out to recreate themselves about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the river, in a country called Bardez443, taking with them a supply of victuals and drink. That they might not be suspected, they left their house and shop, with same of their wares unsold, in the charge of a Dutch boy whom we had procured for them, and who remained in their house, quite ignorant of their intentions. When in Bardez, they procured a patamer, one of the Indian post-boys or messengers who carry letters from place to place, whom they hired as a guide. Between Bardez and the main-land there is only a small river, in a manner half dry, which they passed over on foot, and so travelled away by land, and were never heard of again; but it is thought they arrived in Aleppo, though no one knows: with certainty. Their great dependence is upon John Newbery, who can speak the Arabian language, which is used in all these countries, or at least understood, being as commonly known in all the east as French is with us.

On the news of their departure being brought to Goa, there was a great stir and murmuring among the people, as all much wondered. Many were of opinion that we had counselled them to withdraw, and presently their surety seized on the remaining goods, which might amount to the value of 200 pardaos; and with that and the money he had received of the Englishmen, he went to the viceroy, and delivered it to him, the viceroy forgiving him the rest. This flight of the Englishmen grieved the Jesuits worst, as they had lost so rich a prey, which they made themselves secure of. The Dutch Jesuit came to ask us if we knew of their intentions, saying, if he had suspected as much he would have dealt differently by them, for he had once in his hands a bag of theirs, in which were 40,000 veneseanders,444, each worth two pardaos, at the time when they were in prison. But as they had always given him to believe he might accomplish his desire of getting them to profess in the Jesuit college, he had given them their money again, which otherwise they would not have come by so easily, or peradventure never. This he said openly, and in the end he called them heretics, spies, and a thousand other opprobrious names.

When the English painter, who had become a Jesuit, heard that his countrymen were gone, and found that the Jesuits did not use him with so great favour as at first, he repented himself; and not having made any solemn vow, and being counselled to leave their house, he told them that he made no doubt of gaining a living in the city, and that they had no right to keep him against his inclination, and as they could not accuse him of any crime, he was determined not to remain with them. They used all the means they could devise to keep him in the college, but he would not stay, and, hiring a house in the city, he opened shop as a painter, where he got plenty of employment, and in the end married the daughter of a mestee, so that he laid his account to remain there as long as he lived. By this Englishman I was instructed in all the ways, trades, and voyages of the country between Aleppo, and Ormus, and of all the rules and customs observed in the overland passage, as also of all the towns and places on the route. Since the departure of these Englishmen from Goa, there have never arrived any strangers, either English or others, by land, except Italians, who are constantly engaged in the overland trade, going and coming continually.

END OF VOLUME SEVENTH.

1

Madagascar, between the latitudes of 12° 30' and 35° 45' S. and the longitudes of 44° and 53° W. from Greenwich, rather exceeds 1000 statute miles from N.N.W to S.S.E. and is about 220 miles in mean width from east to west. This island therefore, in a fine climate, capable of growing all the tropical productions in perfection, and excellently situated for trade, extends to about 200,000 square miles, or 128 millions of acres, yet is abandoned entirely to ignorant barbarians. –E.

2

The north end of Madagascar, called the point of St Ignatius, is 70 miles from east to west, the eastern headland being Cape Natal or de Ambro, and the western Cape St Sebastian. –E.

3

Cape Antongil on the east coast is probably here meant, in lat. 15° 45' S. as at this place the deep bay of Antongil or Manghabei penetrates about 70 mile inland, and the opposite coast also is deeply indented by port Massali. It is proper to mention however, that Cape St Andrew is on the west coast of Madagascar, in lat. 17° 12' S. –E.

4

There may be numerous villages, or collections of huts, in Madagascar, and some of these may possibly be extensive and populous; but there certainly never was in that island any place that merited the name of a city. –E.

5

More probably Ambergris thrown on their shores. –E.

6

On this bay is a town called New Massah to distinguish it from Old Massah on the bay of Massali, somewhat more than half a degree farther north. Masialege or Meselage is a town at the bottom of the bay of Juan Mane de Cuna, about half a degree farther south. –E.

7

They were here on the bank of Pracel, which seems alluded to in the text from the shallowness of the water; though the district named Casame in the text is not to be found in modern maps-E.

8

Probably the island of the bay of St Andrew in 17° 30' is here meant; at any rate it must be carefully distinguished from Spiritu Santo, St Esprit, or Holy Ghost Island, one of the Comoros in lat. 15° S. –E.

9

Perhaps those now called barren isles on the west coast, between lat. 18° 40' and 19° 12' S. The river Sadia of the text may be that now called Santiano in lat. 19° S. –E.

10

It is singular that the large circular bay of Mansitare in lat. 19° 30' S. is not named, although probably meant by the river Mane in the text. –E.

11

Now called Ranoumanthe, discharging its waters into the bay of St Vincents. –E.

12

Now Port St James. –E.

13

In lat. 23° 30' or directly under the tropic of Capricorn, is a bay now called St Augustine. If that in the text, the latitude 1s erroneous a degree and a half. –E.

14

This is unintelligible as it stands in the text. It may possibly have been a square stone pedestal for one of the crosses of discovery, that used to be set up by the Portuguese navigators as marks of possession. –E.

15

The text gives no indication by which even to conjecture the situation of this island, unless that being bound towards the southern part of the east coast of Madagascar, it may possibly have been either the isle of France, or that of Bourbon. –E.

16

In strict propriety, this expression is a direct contradiction, is Kafr is an Arabic word signifying unbelievers; but having been long employed as a generic term for the natives of the eastern coast of Africa, from the Hottentots to the Moors of Zeyla exclusively, we are obliged to employ the ordinary language. –E.

17

The xeraphin, as formerly mentioned, being 5s. 9d., this yearly revenue amounted to L.52,250 sterling. But the state of Macao, in the text, refers to what it was 150 years ago. It is still inhabited by Portuguese, and remains a useless dependence on Portugal, owing its principal support to the residence of the British factory for the greater part of the year. –E.

18

Wherever any coincidence appears in the ceremonies and externals of the heathen worship, the zealous catholics are eager to conceive that these have been borrowed from Christianity; unconscious that their own mummeries have all been borrowed from heathen worship, and superadded to the rational purity of primitive Christianity,-E.

19

This is evidently erroneous, as we know certainly from the travels of Marco Polo and other authorities, that Cathay was the northern part of China, once a separate kingdom. –E.

20

In the neighbourhood of which was afterwards built the city of Batavia, the emporium at the Dutch trade in the east, now subject to Britain. –E.

21

Probably Jambee on the N.E. side of Sumatra, in about lat. 18 20' S. to the S.E. of the straits of Cincapura. –E.

22

Manuel de Faria rightly thought proper to close his work at this period, which was immediately followed by the expulsion of the Portuguese from Malacca and Ceylon, and many other of their Indian possessions; where, except a few inconsiderable factories, they now only hold Goa, Diu, and Macao, and even these possess very little trade, and no political importance. From their subjection to the crown of Spain, the Dutch, who had thrown off the iron yoke of the Austrian princes of Spain, revenged their own injuries upon the Portuguese in India: And in the present age, at the distance of 160 years, having themselves fallen under the heavy yoke of the modern French Caesar, they have been stripped by Britain of every foreign possession in Asia, Africa, and America.-E

23

De Faria, III. 347-364. Both as in a great measure unconnected with the Portuguese transactions, and as not improbably derived from the worse than suspicious source of Fernand Mendez de Pinro, these very problematical occurrences have been kept by themselves, which indeed they are in de Faria. After this opinion respecting their more than doubtful authenticity, it would be a waste of labour to attempt illustrating their geographical obscurities. Indeed the geography of India beyond the Ganges, is still involved in almost impenetrable darkness, from the Bay of Bengal to the empire of China. –E.

24

Called always the Bramas by De Faria. –E.

25

Formerly this was attributed to the king of Siam: But the whole story of this section is so incredible and absurd as not to merit any observations. It is merely retained from De Faria, as an instance of the fables of Fernand Mendez de Pinto. –E.

26

Rhinoceroses, which are so brutishly ferocious as in no instance to have been tamed to labour, or to have ever shewn the slightest degree of docility. Being of enormous strength, the only way of preserving them when in custody, is in a sling; so that on the first attempt to more forwards, they are immediately raised from the ground. –E.

27

De Faria seems now to drop the fables of Fernan Mendez Pinto, and to relate real events in the remainder of this section. –E.

28

More properly Ythia, vulgarly called Siam. –E.

29

The oriental term Shan, probably derived from the inhabitants of Pegu; but the Siamese call themselves Tai, or freemen, and their country Meuang tai, or the country of freemen. –E.

30

Otherwise called Junkseylon. –E.

31

De Faria, III. 115. This is to be understood as about the year 1640, before the Dutch had begun to conquer the Portuguese possessions. They are now few and unimportant, containing only some remnant of dominion at Mozambique, with the cities of Goa and Diu in India, and Macao in China. –E.

32

This is supplied from a former portion of the Portuguese Asia, Vol II. p. 507.

33

Hakluyt, iv. App. pp. 547-612. Ed. Lond. 1810-11.

34

To accommodate this curious article to our mode of arrangement, we have made a slight alteration of the nomenclature of its subdivisions; calling those in this version Sections, which in the original translation of Mr Eden are denominated chapters; and have used the farther freedom of sometimes throwing several of these chapters into one section. –E.

35

This is a gross error, as Aleppo is above 80 English miles N.E. and island from Antioch. From the sequel it is evident that Antioch is the place meant by Vertomannus in the text, as the scales, mart, or staple of the Syrian trade. –E.

36

The Emir Haji, or captain of the pilgrimage, which name of office is transposed in the text to Haji-emir, corrupted Agmir, and latinized Agmirus. –E.

37

This account of the stature of the Jewish tribe cannot fail to be much exaggerated, otherwise the text must have been corrupted at this place; as we cannot well conceive of a tribe in Arabia not exceeding four feet two inches in average height. –E.

38

This name ought probably to have been written Medinat-al-habi, and is assuredly the holy city of Medina, in which Mahomet was buried. –E.

39

This seems to refer to some official residents of Medina, who must accompany the pilgrims in their visits to the holy places, probably for profit. –E.

40

This word is obviously berries, and signifies coffee. –E.

41

Counting from sunset after the manner of the Italians. –E.

42

This must necessarily be the kingdom or province of Bengal. –E.

43

Fine cottons or muslins are here evidently meant. –E.

44

This is inexplicable, as Ethiopia possesses no spices, unless we may suppose the author to mean here the sea of Ethiopia or Red Sea, as the track by which spices were brought to Mecca. –E.

45

This description is altogether unintelligible. –E.

46

The unicorn is an unknown, or rather a fabulous animal, and the most charitable interpretation that can be made of the description in the text is, that Verthema was mistaken, or that one of the horns of some species of antelope had either been removed, or was wanting by a lusus naturae. The only real Monoceros, or one horned animal, known to naturalists, is the rhinoceros monoceros, or one-horned rhinoceros, which bears its horn on the nose, a little way above the muzzle, not on the forehead. –E.

47

The Mare erythraeum of the ancients was of much more extended dimensions, comprising all the sea of India from Arabia on the west to Guzerat and the Concan on the east, with the coasts of Persia and Scindetic India on the north; of which sea the Red Sea and the Persian gulfs were considered branches or deep bays. –E.

48

This word is an obvious corruption of Bab-el-Mondub, the Arabic name of the straits, formerly explained as signifying the gate or passage of lamentation. The island in question is named Prin. –E.

49

According to the monk Picade, Christians are found in all regions except Arabia and Egypt, where they are most hated. –Eden.

50

This is a ridiculous exaggeration, or blunder in transcription, and may more readily be limited to four thousand. –E.

51

These terms unquestionably refer to cotton cloth. Perhaps we ought to read gossamopine of Xylon, meaning cotton cloth from Ceylon. –E.

52

The use of this enormous quantity of cotton ropes is unintelligible. Perhaps the author only meant to express that the packs or bales on the camels were secured by such ropes. –E.

53

From the context, this place appears to have been on that part of the oceanic coast of Arabia called the kingdom of Maskat, towards Cape Ras-al-gat and the entrance to the Persian gulf. The name seems compounded of these words Div or Diu, an island, Bander a port, and Rumi the term in the east for the Turks as successors of the Romans. It is said in the text to have been subject to the sultan of Cambaia, but was more probably tributary to the king or sultan of Ormuz. –E.

54

In the text of Hakluyt this place is called Goa, assuredly by mistake, as it immediately afterwards appears to have been in the neighbourhood of Maskat, and in the direct voyage between Aden and Ormus, by creeping along the coast from port to port. –E.

55

In the rambling journey of Verthema, we are often as here unable to discover the meaning of his strangely corrupted names. Chorazani or Chorassan is in the very north of Persia, at a vast distance from Ormuz, and he pays no attention to the particulars of his ten days journey which could not have been less than 400 miles. We are almost tempted to suspect the author of romancing. –E.

56

Supposing that the place in the text may possibly mean Shiras, the author makes a wonderful skip in three days from the Euphrates to at least 230 miles distance. –E.

57

What is named Castoreum in the text was probably musk, yet Russia castor might in those days have come along with rhubarb through Persia. –E.

58

Of Squilaz and Saint Bragant it is impossible to make any thing, even by conjecture. –E.

59

This name is inexplicably corrupted; and nothing more can be said of it than is contained in the text, which indeed is very vague. –E.

60

Verthema appears at this place to make an abrupt transition to the city of Cambay, taking no farther notice of Cheo. –E.

61

It is evident from the text that the areka nut is here meant, which is chewed along with betel leaf, called tambolos in the text, and strewed with chunam or lime made of oyster shells. –E.

62

This ridiculous story can only be understood as an eastern metaphor, expressive of the tyrannous disposition of the sultan. –E.

63

What sovereign of India is meant by the king of Joga we cannot ascertain, unless perhaps some Hindoo rajah in the hilly country to the north-east of Gujerat. From some parts of the account of this king and his subjects, we are apt to conceive that the relation in the text is founded on some vague account of a chief or leader of a band of Hindoo devotees. A king or chief of the Jogues. –E.

64

There is a district on the west of Gujerat or Guzerat named Chuwal, on the river Butlass or Banass which runs into the gulf of Cutch, which may be here meant. –E.

65

No name having the least affinity to that in the text is to be found in any modern map of India near the coast of Gujerat. It would almost appear that the author had now gone down the coast of India, and that his Chuwal and Dabuly are Chaul and Dabul on the coast of the Concan. –E.

66

Nothing can possibly be made of this island of Goga. There is a town on the coast of Gujerat and western side of the gulf of Cambay called Gogo, but it is no island, and could not possibly be subject to the king of the Deccan; and besides Verthema is obviously now going down the western coast of India. –E.

67

Of a Swammy or Hindoo idol. –E.

68

Dechan, Deccan, or Dacshin, is the name of a territory or kingdom, and properly signifies southern India, or simply the south, in reference to Hindostan proper, on the north of the Nerbuddah: But Verthema almost always names the capital from the kingdom. –E.

69

By walnuts, I suspect that coca-nuts are meant, and rendered walnuts by some mistaken translation. –E.

70

There are no lions in India, and tigers are certainly here meant. –E.

71

Bijanagur was the capital of the kingdom known by the name of Narsinga; but from the neighbourhood of Cananore, it is possible that Verthema here means Narsingapoor, about 25 miles S.S.W. from Seringapatam. –E.

72

The walnuts of this author must have been cocoa-nuts, perhaps converted to walnuts by erroneous translation. –E.

73

This singular passage probably means, that the country is defended by a great number of forts and garrisons, as indeed we know that the interior table land of southern India is thickly planted with droogs or hill forts, which must then have been impregnable. –E.

74

Probably meaning Nairs or Rajputs, who are reckoned of a high or noble cast, next to the Bramins. –E.

75

This is a most astonishing error, as Narsingapoor is above 100 miles from the nearest coast. –E.

76

Bijanagur is 175 miles directly north from Narsingapoor. –E.

77

In modern language the term dromedary is very improperly applied to the Bactrian, or two-hunched camel, a slow beast of burden. The word dromedary is formed from the Greek celer, and only belongs to a peculiar breed of camels of amazing swiftness. –E.

78

Wherever lions are mentioned by this traveller in India, tigers are to be understood. –E.

79

About that distance south from Cananore is Dermapatam. –E.

80

No names in the least respect similar to these are to be found in the indicated route between Cananore and Calicut. –E.

81

Of the three places marked with points of interrogation, the names are so disfigured in the orthography as to be unintelligible; Cianul may possibly be Chaul, Onouhè Onore, and Cacilon Cranganore. –E.

82

From the description these must be crocodiles. –E.

83

From the distance and direction of the journey or voyage, this name may possibly be an error or corruption for Cranganore. –E.

84

From other circumstances in the text, particularly the neighbourhood of the place where St Thomas lay buried, the city here alluded to was probably Meliapour, which formerly stood not far from Madras, or the famous Mahubulipoor, the city of the great Bali, 16 or 18 miles from the English settlement. The author, as on many other occasions, gives the name of the country to the capital. As to being in sight of Ceylon, this may be an error in transcription, and we ought to read that on the voyage between Coulan and the city of Coromandel; the author passed in sight of Ceylon. –E.

85

Cloves are certainly not found in Ceylon. –E.

86

It is not easy to conceive by what means this could be, as Pegu, Ava, Aracan, and Tipera, intervene between Tanaserim and Bengal, and the bay of Bengal between Tanaserim and Narsinga or the Carnatic, none of the powers mentioned being possessed of any maritime force. –E.

87

This is not easily understood, unless it may mean that they are so built that they may sail with either end foremost. –E.

88

Here, as usual, the name of the country is given instead of the chief city, and we have no means even to guess what place is indicated, unless perhaps the Satigan of other ancient relations, which appears to have been a city on the Hoogly river, or western branch of the Ganges. –E.

89

The capital of Cathay or northern China is Cambalu or Pekin, but it is difficult to make any thing of these Christian natives of Sarnau, or of their many Christian princes in Tartary; unless we may suppose Verthema to have mistaken the followers of the Lama of Thibet for Christians, as appears to have been done by some of the more ancient travellers in our early volumes. –E.

90

It is obvious from the context, that this famous river of Gaza refers to the Straits of Malacca. –E.

91

The Taprobana of the ancients certainly was Ceylon. Sumatra is about 977 statute miles in length, and 200 in its greatest breadth, so that its circumference must exceed 2500 miles. –E.

92

By Chini in the text is probably meant Acheen in Sumatra. –E.

93

From similarity of names this appears to be Benzoin, or benzoe, sometimes called gum benjamin; yet from some circumstances in the sequel it may possibly indicate camphor. –E.

94

It is impossible to determine from the account in the text what is meant by these articles of sweet scent under the names of aloes, laserpitium, belzoe, calampat, luba, and bochor; all of which seem to be different names of the same substance in different degrees of quality, and assuredly not the drugs now known by the name of aloes and benzoin. There is a sweet-scented wood in the east known by the name of lignum aloes, and possibly the sweet gum called belzoe may have been extracted from it, or from that which produces the oil of rhodium. –E.

95

Gum lac, long believed the gum of a tree, is now known to be the work of insects, serving as a nidus for their young, in the same manner as bees wax is used by the honey bee. –E.

96

Perhaps filagree work? –E.

97

This account of the mode of navigation is inexplicable, or at least obscure. Perhaps it is meant to express that they do not tack, but sail with either end foremost as suits the change of wind or direction of the ship. –E.

98

These are named on a former occasion Nirani. –E.

99

Instead of one island, the Moluccas are a group of islands, the largest of which, Gilolo, is about 200 miles from N. to S. On its western side are several small islands, the most important of which for the produce of cloves are Ternate and Tidore. Gilolo was probably the island visited by Verthema. –E.

100

A strange mode of expressing that Gilolo is immediately under the line. –E

101

The Veronica among the Catholics, is the handkerchief with which our Saviour is supposed to have wiped his face during his passion, which they allege took from his bloody sweat a miraculous impression or portrait of his countenance. –E.

102

Instead of being only somewhat larger than Gilolo, Borneo is perhaps the largest island in the world, except New Holland, being about 880 English miles in its greatest diameter from S.W. to N.E. and 550 in the opposite direction at the widest. –E.

103

This pilot must have been acquainted with the southern extremity of South America, or must have built this information on hypothesis, as there is no known inhabited land of this description to the South of Java. –E.

104

This oblique insinuation of having a wife and children, is rather contradictory to several circumstances in the early part of the itinerary of Verthema. –E.

105

This is probably a mistake for Sarnau, whence the Christians are said to have come. –E.

106

Don Francisco de Almeyda was viceroy of Portuguese India from 1507 to 1510, both inclusive, and his son Lorenzo made a conspicuous figure on several occasions under his father. It is true that Verthema appears in the present journal to have returned from India to Europe in the end of 1506 or beginning of 1507; but the dates of the present journal are exceedingly few and vague, and the incidents which it relates could hardly have occurred in so short a period as between the commencement of 1503 and close of 1506. –E.

107

This king of Gioghi was probably the chief bramin in the southern part of India, a species of patriarch or pope of the braminical idolatry, similar to the king of Joga, formerly mentioned, in Guzerat, in these travels of Verthema. In a future part of our collection we shall have a more favourable opportunity of explaining the hierarchy of the Hindoos. –E.

108

According to the account of this great armament formerly given in the History of the Portuguese Transactions in India, the fleet of the Mahometans and Zamorin on this occasion consisted of 260 paraos, 60 of which exceeded the size of the armed ships then used in India by the Portuguese. The action between the Portuguese and their enemies is there stated to have been in 1508. –E.

109

Perhaps cross-bows, or it may probably signify leathern targets, or shields made of pelts or skins. –E.

110

Perhaps they threw their guns overboard to lighten their vessel and facilitate their escape. –E.

111

From the context, combined with the date of the late naval action, as given from the History of the Portuguese Transactions, this land-war with the rajah of Cananore must have been in 1509. –E.

112

In the naval battle the principal force at least must have been Mahometans, as the Hindoos do not use the sea; but, in this land-war with the new rajah of Cananore, the nairs would constitute the main force of the enemy, though there might be some Mahometan auxiliaries. –E.

113

The European soldiers then wore defensive armour and shields. And besides matchlocks, their offensive arms were pikes, swords, and cross-bows. –E.

114

Probably alluding to a kind of javelins armed with a species of rockets, which have long been used in the wars of India, and often produce great disorder among the crowded masses of their ill-disciplined troops. –E.

115

Probably of the year 1508. –E.

116

It is hardly necessary to remark, that the term Ethiopia is here applied to the western coast of Africa on the ocean. –E.

117

The Gogia of the text is probably Oja, on the coast of Africa, 17 leagues from Melinda, and Pati may possibly be some corruption of Paniany, both of these places having been reduced by de Cunna. Crava may be an error for Brava, on the western coast of Africa. –E.

118

Perhaps this expression ought to have been black-a-moors, the old name for negroes. –E.

119

Perhaps alluding to the cluck, which occurs perpetually in the language of the Hottentots, resembling the sound used in some parts to urge on a horse, and which is inexpressible in orthography. –E.

120

Hakluyt, II. pp. 359-375. Ed. Lond. 1810.

121

It is obvious that Bagdat is here meant. –E.

122

In imitation of the original translator Hickocke and Hakluyt, this word must be left untranslated and unexplained. –E.

123

This account of the hole which discharges pitch or native bitumen mixed with water is most true; the water and pitch running into the valley or island, where the pitch remains, and the water runs into the Euphrates, when it occasions the water for a long way to have a brackish taste with the smell of pitch and brimstone. –Hakl.

124

This comparison seems made by the translator between larines and sterling money. –E.

125

Formerly noticed as a species of velvet; but the words marsine and versine were inexplicable in the days of Hakluyt, and must so remain. –E.

126

The velvets and scarlet cloths from Mecca were probably Italian manufactures, brought through Egypt and the Red Sea. –E.

127

These great nuts must necessarily be the cocoa nuts, and the palmer tree, on which they grow, the cocoa palm. –E.

128

Possibly molasses are here meant. –E.

129

Probably meaning that they were formed of bars hooped or welded together, in the way in which the famous Mons meg, long in Edinburgh Castle, and now in the tower of London, was certainly made. –E.

130

Perhaps that now called Assodnagur in the Mahratta country, about 125 miles nearly east from Chaul. –E.

131

In fact only about half that distance. –E.

132

About 165 English miles. –E.

133

About 175, N.E. from Goa. In the original it is called Bisapor. –E.

134

The ruins of the royal city of Bijanagur are 190 English miles nearly due east from Goa. –E.

135

The reason in the text for evacuating the kingdom of Narsinga, or Bijanagur, is very unsatisfactory, as it in fact bordered on their dominions. More probably they could not agree on the partition, each being afraid of the others acquiring an ascendancy, and they satisfied themselves with the enormous spoils of the capital. This event has been before mentioned from De Faria. –E.

136

The diamond mines of Raolconda are about 90 miles direct north from the ruins of Bijanagur, on the Kisma. The castle of Penegonde is not now to be found in the maps of Indostan; but indeed the names of this ingenious traveller an often unintelligible, and almost always extremely corrupt. –E.

137

These falchines of Cesar Frederick are now denominated coolies. –E.

138

These names of Ancola and Gargopam are so unintelligibly corrupted, as not be even conjecturally referable to any places or districts in our best maps. –E.

139

This winter of our author, on the coast of Canara, in about the lat. of 15° N. when the sun is nearly vertical, must be understood as the rainy season. –E.

140

This incident in the text is given as fortunate, and perhaps it ought to have been expressed, "He wrapped it about his loins and returned to his palanquin." –E.

141

This must be Barcelore, and ought to have been named before Managalore, as above 50 miles to the north, between Goa and Managalore. –E.

142

This passage ought to have stood thus "The fort of Cananore belonging to the Portuguese, only a musket-shot from the city of that name, the capital of" &c. –E.

143

The direct distance is twenty geographical miles. –E.

144

In the version of Cesar Frederick in Hakluyt, it is said "to come from the mountains of the king of the pepper country, who is a Gentile, and in whose dominions there are many Christians," &c. as in the text. This king of the pepper country is probably meant for the rajah of Travancore. The great river of the text is merely a sound, which reaches along the coast from Cochin to beyond Coulan, a distance of above 90 miles, forming a long range of low islands on the sea-coast, and receiving numerous small rivers from the southern gauts. –E.

145

On former occasions these amochi have been explained as devoted naires, under a vow to revenge the death of their sovereign. –E.

146

These geographical notices are inexplicable, unless by Chialon is meant the low or maritime parts of Ceylon, which Cesar Frederick afterwards calls Zeilan. –E.

147

This word is unintelligible, having no similar name in modern geography. From the context, it seems to signify the maritime coast of Tinnevelly and Marwar, or the most southern part of the Carnatic, opposite to Ceylon; and may possibly be that called Chialon immediately before. –E.

148

Pearls are weighed by carats, each of which is four grains. The men who sort and price them have a copper instrument with holes of various sizes, by which they estimate their several values. –Hakluyt.

149

By this account of the matter, the land of Chilao appears to be the island of Ramiseram, between which and the island of Manaar extends a reef of rocks called Adams Bridge. The deep channel is between Ramiseram and the point of Tanitory on the Coromandel coast. –E.

150

The author probably here means cocoa-nuts and areka. –E.

151

It is not easy to say whether the author means to express that Negapatam is this great city 72 miles from Ceylon, or if he refers to another city 72 miles from Negapatam. –E.

152

St Thome, about 5 miles south from Madras, is about 160 English miles nearly north from Negapatam. –E.

153

The Taprobana or Sielendive of the ancients certainly was Ceylon, not Sumatra. –E.

154

The Andaman and Nicobar islands, in long. 93° East from Greenwich, reach from the lat. of 6° 45' to 15° N. –E.

155

This assertion is unintelligible, unless the author means to include a number of small islands off the coast as belonging to Sumatra. –E.

156

Foists are described as a kind of brigantines, rather larger than half gallies, and much used by the Turks and other eastern nations in those days for war. Maons, formerly mentioned among the ships of Soliman Pacha in the siege of Diu, are said to have been large flat-bottomed vessels or hulks, of 700 or 800 tons burden, having sometimes seven mizen sails. –Hakluyt.

157

The text in this place it erroneous or obscure. The indicated distance between China and Japan is enormously exaggerated, and probably ought to have been stated as between Malacca and Japan. The undiscovered islands and shoals seem to refer to the various islands between Java and Japan, to the east and north. –E.

158

Perhaps the author may have expressed of 23 carats fine. –E.

159

Perhaps the mixed metal called tutenag may be here meant. –E.

160

From another part of this voyage it appears that this is some species of seed from which oil was expressed. –E.

161

Cuttack, at the head of the Delta of the Mahamuddy or Gongah river, in lat. 20° 32' N. lon. 86° 9' E. is probably here meant, It is only about 45 miles from the sea, but might have been six days journey from the port where the author took shelter, which probably was Balasore. –E.

162

Probably so called from residing at Patna, called Patane in the text. –E.

163

These observations, distinguished by inverted commas, are placed in the text, as too long for a note. –E.

164

On the coast of Tanasserim, in lat. 13° N. is an island called Tavay, so that the gulf of Tavay in the text was probably in that neighbourhood. Martaban is in lat. 16° 40' N. So that the difference of latitude is 8° 40', and the distance cannot be less than 250 miles. –E.

165

Perhaps we ought to read in the text camphor of Perneo. –E.

166

From subsequent circumstances the text is obviously here incorrect, and ought to have been translated, that the flood tides run six hours; as it will be afterwards seen that the voyage to a place 12 miles short of Pegu requires eight days of these tide trips of six.

167

This is certainly an error, and Cesar Frederick has mistaken the bamboo cane used in such erections for the sugar-cane. –E.

168

From this expression it may be inferred, that besides his mercantile speculations in jewels, Cesar Frederick was a lapidary. –E.

169

The meaning of this ancient nautical term is here clearly expressed, as drifting to leeward while laying-to. –E.

170

Here, and in various other parts of these early voyages, India and the Indies seem confined to the western coast of the peninsula, as it is called, or the Malabar coast. –E.

171

This is an error, as camphor is a species of essential oil, grossly sublimed at first from a tree of the laurel family, and afterwards purified by farther processes. –E.

172

The whole of this story is a gross fabrication imposed by ignorance on credulity. The cods of musk are natural bags or emunctories, found near the genitals on the males of an animal named Moschus Moschiferus, or Thibet Musk. It is found through the whole of Central Asia, except its most northern parts, but the best musk comes from Thibet. –E.

"The Jewes doe counterfeit and take out the halfe of the goode muske, beating it up with an equal quantity of the flesh of an asse, and put this mixture in the bag or purse, which they sell for true muske." –Hackluyt.

173

Ambergris is probably meant in the text under the name of Amber, as the former came formerly from India, while the latter is principally found in the maritime parts of Prussia. –E.

174

Such is the manner in which the hire of these servants is expressed in Hakluyt. Perhaps meaning 500 pence; and as the Venetian sol is about a halfpenny, this will amount to about a guinea, but it does not appear whether this is the sum for each person, or for all three. –E.

175

Astley's Collection, Vol. I. p. 138, 140.

176

The French pretend to have traded with Guinea from 1364 till 1413, being 107 years before it was discovered by the Portuguese.-Astl. I. 138, a.

177

Cited by Hakluyt, Vol. II. Part 2. p. 2

178

Id. ib. p. 3.

179

A species of moss growing on high rocks, much used in these days in dying.-Astl. I. 138. d.

180

Vol. II. p. 7.

181

The former for twelve years, was granted to the Earls of Leicester and Warwick, and certain merchants of London, to the number of 32 in all. The other for ten years to eight persons of Exeter, London, and other places. By this latter patent, it appears that this trade was advised by the Portuguese residing in London, and one voyage had been made before the grant. See Hakluyt, II. part 2. pp. 114 and 123.-Astl. I. 139. a.

182

These observations are to be considered as applying entirely to the earlier connection of the English with India. In more modern days there has been a sufficiently copious series of great actions, battles, sieges, and conquests; but these belong to a different and more modern period than that now under review, and are more connected with the province of political military and naval history, than with a Collection of Voyages and Travels. Yet these likewise will require to be noticed in an after division of this work. –E.

183

A commencement towards this great desideratum in English History has been lately made, by the publication of the early History of the English East India Company, by John Bruce, Esquire, Historiographer to the Company. –E.

184

Hakluyt, II. 463. Astley, I. 140.

185

Astley, I. 141. Hakluyt, II. 464.-The editor of Astley's Collection says Thomas Windham; but we have no evidence in Hakluyt, copying from Eden, that such was his Christian name, or that he was the same person who had gone twice before to the coast of Morocco. In Hakluyt, the Voyage is said to have been at the charge of certain merchant adventurers of London. –E.

186

Hist. of Travayle in the West and East Indies, &c. by Eden and Willes, 4to, p. 336.-Astl. I. 141. b.

187

So far the editor of Astley's Collection: The remainder of these previous remarks contains the preamble by Eden, as reprinted by Hakluyt, II. 464. –E.

188

Richard Eden here obviously endeavours to combat the monopoly of trade to the Portuguese discoveries, arrogated by that nation; although the entire colonial system of all the European nations has always been conducted upon the same exclusive principles, down to the present day. –E.

189

Evidently meaning the first meridian passing through the island of Ferro, one of the Canaries, from which Cape Verd is about 2° W. –E.

190

These geographical indications respecting the coast of Guinea, are extremely obscure, so as to be almost unintelligible. –E.

191

This brief description of Africa is preserved, rather for the purpose of shewing what were the ideas of the English on this subject towards the end of the sixteenth century, than for any excellence. –E.

192

In the text the Senegal river is to be understood by the Negro, or river of the Blacks. But the ancient Niger is now well known to run eastwards in the interior of Nigritia, having no connection whatever with the Senegal or with the sea. –E.

193

The names of places are so corruptly given as hardly even to be guessed at. Amacaiz may possibly be meant for Amba Keshem, Sava for Shoa, Barbaregaf for the Baharnagash, and Ascon for Assab. –E.

194

Or Sestre, a river on the Grain coast or Malaguette. –E.

195

This is the Guinea pepper, called grains of Paradise by the Italians, whence this part of Guinea was named the grain coast. The text describes the pods as having a hole on each side, which, it was afterwards learnt, were for putting thongs, strings or twigs on which to dry the pods. These pods grow on a humble plant, not above a foot and a half or two feet from the ground, and are bright red when first gathered. –Astl.

196

Or 1800 ounces, which at L.3, 17s. 6d. per ounce, is equal to L.6975 sterling, a large sum in those days. –E.

197

This Lambert was a Londoner born, his father having been Lord Mayor of London. –Hakluyt.

198

Hakluyt, II. 470. Astl 1.114. In the first edition of Hakluyt's collection, this voyage is given under the name of Robert Gainsh, who was master of the John Evangelist, as we learn by a marginal note at the beginning of the voyage in both editions. –Astl. I. 144. a.

199

Perhaps this might be Robert Gainsh, in whose name the voyage was first published.-Astl. I. 144. b.

200

Yet the latitudes he gives, if observed, are by no means exact.-Astl.

In this version we have added the true latitudes and longitudes in the text between brackets; the longitude from Greenwich always understood. –E.

201

This is the exordium, written by Richard Eden, from whose work it was adopted by Hakluyt, yet without acknowledgement. In the title, it appears that this expedition was fitted out as the joint adventure of Sir George Barne, Sir John York, Thomas Lok, Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin. –E.

202

The real distance is 84 marine leagues, 20 to the degree. –E.

203

The parallel of lat. 28° N. goes through the centre of Grand Canarea, touching the southern point of Teneriffe, and just keeping free of the S.W. point of Fuertaventura. –E.

204

Cape Blanco is in lat. 20° 50' N. 25 leagues to the north, would only reach to lat. 22° 5'; exactly almost in 22° is the small island of Pedro de Agale. –E.

205

In the preceding voyage grains have been explained as Guinea pepper, a species of capsicum. –E.

206

Rock Sesters is in long. 9° 20' W.

207

This is not intelligible, unless meant that ships may anchor for three leagues from the shore. –E.

208

The pledge was nephew to Sir John Yorke. –Eden.

209

From the context, this seems to have been the place now called Cape Coast. –E.

210

This was one of the ships in the former voyage under Windham. –E.

211

These subsequent notices seem subjoined by Richard Eden, the original publisher. –E.

212

Or 4800 ounces, worth, L.18,600 sterling at the old price of L.3 17s. 6d. per ounce; and perhaps worth in those days as much as ninety or an hundred thousand pounds in the present day. –E.

213

The meaning of this expression is by no means obvious. It is known that in India, arrack, or a spirituous liquor distilled from rice, is given regularly to elephants, which may be here alluded to. –E.

214

It is surely needless to say that this is a mere fable. –E.

215

It may be proper to mention in this place, that the Niger and the Senegal, though agreeing in these particulars, are totally different rivers in the same parallel. The Senegal runs into the sea from the east; while the Niger running to the east, loses itself in an interior lake, as the Wolga does in the Caspian, having no connection whatever with the ocean. According to some accounts, this lake only exists as such during the rainy season, drying up in the other part of the year, probably however leaving an extensive marsh, called the Wangara. If so, the environs of that lake and marsh must be unhealthy in the utmost extreme. –E.

216

Reckoning the longitude from the island of Ferro, the middle of Abyssinia is only in about 52° 30' E. and as Ferro is 18° W. from Greenwich, that coincides with 34° 30' E. as the longitude is now reckoned by British geographers. –E.

217

It is impossible, in the compass of a note, to enter into any commentary on this slight sketch of the ancient geography of eastern Africa. –E.

218

It is strange that Habasia or Abyssinia, inhabited by Christians, should thus be divided from the empire of Prester John. –E.

219

The Icthyophagi of Alexander dwelt on the oceanic coast of Persia, now Mekran, between the river Indus and the Persian gulf, not in Ethiopia. –E.

220

In our present version the word smite is used instead of burn. But the quotation in the text is a literal translation from the Latin vulgate, and agrees with the older English version, still used in the Book of Common Prayer. –E.

221

Now well known under the name of tatooing. –E.

222

Sleeves for the fore-arms, or from the elbow to the wrist. –E.

223

This is an old fable not worth confuting. The Barnacle goose or clakis of Willoughby, anas erythropus of Linnaeus, called likewise tree-goose, anciently supposed to be generated from drift wood, or rather from the lepas anatifera or multivalve shell, called barnacle, which is often found on the bottoms of ships.-See Pennant's Brit. Zool. 4to. 1776. V. II. 488, and Vol. IV. 64. –E.

224

Meaning the Decades of Peter Martyr, part of which book was translated and published by Richard Eden.-Astl I. 149. b.

225

In a side note, five blacke moors. –E.

226

Hakluyt, II. 480, Astl. I. 150. –From several passages in this journal it appears that Towerson had been on the former voyage to Guinea with Captain Lock; but in the present voyage he appears to have acted as captain or chief director, and seems to have been the author of the journal here adopted from Hakluyt. –Astl. I. 150, 2.

227

The saddle-backed hills of old navigators, are to be considered in reference to the old demipique or war-saddle, having high abrupt peaks, or hummocks, at each end, with a flattish hollow between. –E.

228

This antiquated nautical word, which occurred before in the journal of Don Juan de Castro, is here obviously going down the wind, large, or to leeward. –E.

229

The meaning of this passage is not obvious, and seems to want some words to make out the meaning: It may be that the shore is very steep, or that the water continues deep close to the shore. –E.

230

Eastwards from Rio del Oro is directly into the land; so that they must either have been N.N.E. or S.S.W. probably the former. –E.

231

Sestro river, in the Complete Neptune of the Rev. James Stanier Clarke, chart. 2, is called Sesters, in lat. 5° 30' N. long. 9° 10' W. from Greenwich. The river St Vincent of the text does not appear in that chart, but nearly at the indicated distance to the E.S.E. is one named Sangwin. –E.

232

That is grains of paradise, so the Italians called Guinea pepper when they first saw it, not knowing what it was. We took the name from them, and hence came the name of the Grain Coast-Astl. I. 152, a.

233

Margarits may possibly have been mock pearl beads; the manels or manellios were bracelets of some kind. –E.

234

This latitude would bring us to a river about half way between the Grand Sesters and Cape Palmas; but which does not agree with the former circumstances, as they could hardly have been so far to the S.E. without seeing Cape Palmas. The river Sangwin, which we have before supposed might be the St Vincent, is in lat. 5° 20' N. almost a degree farther north. –E.

235

The text here is probably corrupt. The direct off-shore wind on the grain coast of Africa is N.E. The wind at N.N.W. certainly is in some degree off-shore, but very obliquely; and the wind at east is more direct from shore. –E.

236

In some maps the grain coast is named Malaguete, probably from this word, and consequently synonimous with the ordinary name. It is likewise called the Windward coast. –E.

237

Reckoning the course run as expressed in the text, the distance measured back from Cape Palmas brings us very nearly to Sangwin for the river St Vincent of Towerson, as formerly conjectured. –E.

238

From the indicated distance eastwards from Cape Palmas, and the description in the text, the river and point in question seem those called Tabou, in long. 7° 10' W. from Greenwich. –E.

239

It is hardly necessary to observe that these are very bad land-marks, being subject to alteration from many causes; besides that this description is above 250 years old. –E.

240

Between these two points is what is called the ivory coast of Guinea: After which is the gold coast to Cape St Pauls; and then the slave coast. –E.

241

Forty leagues E.N.E. along the gold coast bring us to Saccoom or Accra, in the country called Aquamboo. –E.

242

This was probably Fort St Antonio, at the mouth of the river Aximer or Ashim.-Astl. I. 155. a.

243

St Johns river is about 12 leagues E.N.E. of Cape Three-points, nearly in lat. 5° N. long 2° 10' W. –E.

244

Called St Johns twice before; and we shall see that they came to another town afterwards called Don Johns, more to the east, whence it appears that the Don John of the text here is an error for St John. –E.

245

Probably musketoons or blunderbusses, and certainly some species of gun or fire-arm. –E.

246

This is surely an error, as the troy or bullion pound contains only 12 ounces. We ought therefore to read 3 pounds 9 ounces. –E.

247

This abrupt account of a town, &c. seems to refer back to that of St John, which they had just left. –E.

248

This language seems partly corrupted.-Hakluyt.

Two of the words in this short specimen have been evidently adopted from the Portuguese, bassina and molta. –E.

249

Or Don Juan. This place stands at Cape Korea or Cors.-Astl. I. 158. a.

Cape Cors or Korea is now corruptly called Cape coast, at which there is an English fort or castle of the same name, in lat. 5° 10' N. long. 1° 16' W. –E.

250

Called afterwards the town of John De Viso. –E.

251

Formerly conjectured to be musquetoons, or wall-pieces. –E.

252

It is added, which is a good mark to know the town. But at this distance of time, above 250 years, such marks cannot be supposed to remain. –E.

253

In the margin, Hakluyt sets down the voyage of Robert Gainsh to Guinea as in 1554; yet does not mention where that voyage is to be found, or that it is the same voyage published in his second edition, under the name of Lok, instead of Gainsh to whom it was ascribed in his first edition. All the light we have into the matter from the second edition, is from a marginal note at the beginning of Loks voyage, in which Robert Gainsh is said to have been master of the John Evangelist; neither is there any mention of this villainous transaction in the relation of that voyage. Such crimes deserve severe punishment; since a whole community may suffer for the fault of one bad man.-Astl. I. 160, a.

254

The meaning is here obscure; perhaps the word less is omitted, and the bargain was for a measure an eighth part less than that originally proposed. –E.

255

Perhaps we should rather understand 4 o'clock next morning? –E.

256

Perhaps this ought to be sheers or scissars? –E.

257

It is hard to say whether this means 2 hours after sunset, or after midnight. –E.

258

Apparently running from the east during the land breeze, and from the west with the sea breeze. –E.

259

Probably that now called King-road? –E.

260

Hakluyt, II. 496. Astl. I. 162.

Hitherto we have given these voyages to Guinea at full length, as they are found in the collection of Hakluyt; but in this and the subsequent early English voyages to Guinea, we have thought proper to abbreviate such matters as seemed of small importance. –E.

261

These ships were the Espoir of Harfleur, the admiral, of which Denis Blundel was captain; the Levriere of Rouen, vice-admiral, commanded by Jerome Baudet; and a ship of Houfleur, commanded by Jean de Orleans. –E.

262

Rather Lu how or La hu.-Astl. I 163. b.-The river called Jack Lahows river, in Long. 4° 14' W. –E.

263

Mina is in Long. 1° 60', Cape Three points in 2 40' both west, the difference of Longitude therefore is about 50 minutes, or nearly 17 leagues.-E

264

Called Chama in modern maps, near the mouth of St Johns river, about 6 leagues east from Mina. –E.

265

Bore down upon them. –E.

266

Meaning apparently that she lay too much over to leeward. –E.

267

Meaning perhaps, would neither wear nor tack?-E.

268

It is hard to discover what place this was. Perhaps it was Great Commendo or Guaffo, which stands on a river that runs by the town of the Mina, and is still the residence of a negro king; in which case the port they put in at might have been little Commendo. But the royal city is very far from being as large as London was in 1556, not having above 400 houses. The contrivance for apprizing the watchmen of the approach of an enemy, and for taking them prisoners, seems a notable invention of our countrymen; for surely an enemy might easily destroy these net-traps to catch soldiers, these pack-thread fortifications. –Astl. 1. 167. a.

269

Mowree is 4-1/2 leagues east from the castle of Minas, and Lagoua or Laguy is 9 leagues east from the same place. –Astl. I. 168. a.

270

Hakluyt, II. 504. Astley, I. 169.-In the last London edition of Hakluyt, 1810, it is dated erroneously in 1577, but we learn from the editor of Astley's Collection that in the edition 1589, it is dated in 1557. Yet, notwithstanding that authority, we may be assured that the date of this voyage could not have been earlier than January 1558, as Towerson did not return from his former voyage till the 29th of April 1557. –E.

271

Probably meaning large unwieldy ships.-E

272

It is to be noted, that at this time there was war between England and France.-This observation is a side note of Hakluyt: And it may be worth while to notice that, so early as 1557, free bottoms were not considered by the English as making free goods. –E.

273

The bay of Yof, in lat. 15° N. long. 17° 20' W. from Greenwich. –E.

274

Obviously the Bird isles, which are 4-1/2 leagues E.S.E. from Cape Verd, not W.S.W. as in the text. –E.

275

What is here called musk must have either been civet or ambergris. –E.

276

The Mina is here to be considered as the gold coast of Guinea, called Mina or the mines on account of its great produce in gold dust. The castle of St George del Mina, is usually called in these early voyages the castle. –E.

277

Or Wiamba, where the English had afterwards a fort. –Astl. I. 172. d.

278

This seems to have been little Barakhow, or Berow. –Astl. I. 172. c.

279

Probably Akkara, where the English, Dutch, and Danes had afterwards separate forts. –Astl. 1.172. d.

280

They must have fallen far to leeward, as San Thome is to the east of the Bight of Benin, almost 8 degrees or 160 leagues to the east of St George del Mina. –E.

281

At this place Hakluyt observes in a note, the great inconvenience of staying late on the coast of Guinea. He ought rather to have said, the impropriety of sailing too late for that coast. –E.

282

This list is appended in Hakluyt's Collection, II.513. to the present voyage, and is therefore here retained, though several of the articles are scarcely intelligible. –E.

283

Hakluyt, II. 514. Astl I. 176.-As this voyage did not take place, it is principally inserted here for the sake of the instructions devised by the adventurers, for the conduct of the intended expedition. –E.

284

Hakluyt, II. 516. Astley, I. 177.

285

Astley, I. 179. Hakluyt, II. 518.

286

Astley I. 180. Hakluyt, II. 523-531. The prose abstract here inserted is chiefly taken from Astleys collection, carefully compared with the original versified narrative in Hakluyt. –E.

287

In these early trading voyages, the chief factor, who here appears to have been Baker, seems to have had the supreme command. –Astl. I. 180. b.

288

It appears in the sequel that this fort or castle had been recently erected by the Portuguese at the western point or head-land of Cape Three-points, and of which there are no notices in any of the preceding voyages on this part of the coast. –Astley, I. 132, a.

289

Hakluyt, II. 531. Astley, I. 134.

290

This is the substance of Hakluyt's introduction to the following brief relation of the present voyage. –E.

291

Hakluyt might have said whether they did come home or not, which he certainly might have known; but he often leaves us in the dark as to such matters. –Astl. I. 185. a.

292

Hakluyt, II. 533. Astley, I. 185.

293

This general was probably head factor. –E.

294

The paps of Cape Verd are about a League S.S.E. from the extreme west point of the Cape. –E.

295

It is not said how he had got away from the negroes. –E.

296

Bases and curriers must have been some small species of ordnance, capable of being used in boats; arquebuses were matchlock muskets. –E.

297

Hakluyt, II. 541.

298

It would appear that Williams and Bampton were resident at the city of Morocco. –E.

299

Having no inns in Barbary, travellers have to encamp or lodge in the open fields where they can find water.-Hakluyt.

300

The Spaniards and Portuguese were commanded by the king, on pain of death, to meet the English ambassador.-Hakluyt.

301

In the original this is said to have been the 1st of June; but from what has gone before, that date must necessarily be erroneous; it could not be before the 5th of June, on which day he appears to have entered Morocco in he morning. –E.

302

This seems rather a singular present to the emperor of Morocco. –E.

303

Hakluyt, II 602.

304

Hakluyt, II. 599.

305

Here are enumerated forty merchants of London, as members of the Barbary company in conjunction with the two earls. –E.

306

Besides this, Hakluyt gives copies in Spanish and English of a letter from Mulley Hamet to the Earl of Leicester, and of a letter from Queen Elizabeth to Mulley Hamet, both of which are merely complimentary, or relate to unexplained circumstances respecting one John Herman an English rebel, whose punishment is required from the emperor of Morocco. He had probably contraveened the exclusive privileges of the Barbary company, by trading in Morocco. –E.

307

Hakluyt, II. 613. Astley, I. 199.

308

See the patent at large in Hakluyt, II. 610. London edition, 1810.

309

Krou Sestra, nearly in lat. 5° N.

310

Rio de Lagoa-Hakluyt.-Probably that now called Lagos, in long. 2° 40' E. from Greenwich, in the Bight of Benin. –E.

311

This is only to be understood as implying that the shore was now higher in the eastern part of the voyage along the coast, than formerly to the west on the coast of Mina; the east shore and the west shore referring to the bight or bay of Benin. –E.

312

It is probable that the two rivers mentioned in the text under the names of Rio de Lagoa and Rio de Benin, are those now called the Lagos creek and the great river Formosa, both in the negro kingdom of Benin. –E.

313

It is obvious that the banian or meager days, still continued in the British navy, are a remnant of the meager days of the Roman catholic times, when it was deemed a mortal sin to eat flesh. Stock-fish are, however now abandoned, having been found to promote scurvy. –E.

314

This preservative is wrought by casting a handful of bay-salt into a hogshead of water, as the author told me.-Hakluyt.

The Thames water soon putrifies on board ships in long voyages; but afterwards throws down a sediment and becomes perfectly sweet pleasant and wholesome; insomuch that it is often bought from ships which have been to India and back. Putrid water at sea is purified or rendered comparatively sweet by forcing streams of air through it by what is called an air pump. Water may be preserved sweet on long voyages, or restored when putrid, by means of pounded charcoal. –E.

315

Hakluyt, II. 616. Astley, I. 202.

316

Goto or Gato is a negro town on the northern branch of the Rio Formoso, about 45 miles in a straight line from the mouth of the river, and about 85 miles short of the town of Benin. This branch or creek is probably the river of Benin of the text. –E.

317

Hakluyt, II. 618. Astley, I. 203.

318

In a side note, Astley conjectures this to have been a great shark.

319

It is not mentioned how they came by this caravel.-Astl. I. 204. b. Probably the pinnace that attended them in the voyage, for the purpose of going up the shallow rivers. –E.

320

This distinction of master and maister often occurs in these early voyages.-Astl. I. 205. a.

321

Hakluyt, III. 2. Astley, I. 242.

322

In Astley, these previous remarks are stated to have been written by Richard Rainolds; but in the original collection of Hakluyt no such distinction is made, only that in the text Richard Rainolds states himself to have written the account of the voyage. –E.

323

Or Barzaguiche, by which name the natives call the island of Goree; the town of that name being on the opposite shore of the continent.-Astl, I. 242. c.

324

At this place the editor of Astley's Collection supplies 28 leagues, in the text between brackets: But Cape Verd is 39 leagues from the southern mouth of the Senegal, and Goree is 6 leagues beyond Cape Verd. Near the situation pointed out for Beseguiache, modern maps place two small towns or villages named Dakar and Ben. –E.

325

A league north from Rufisque in modern maps is a place called Ambo; about 1-1/2 league farther north, one named Canne; and near 2 leagues south, another named Yenne. –E.

326

We have here two towns called Palmerin within a few leagues, perhaps one of them may be wrong named in the text. –E.

327

Havre de Grace is probably here meant-E.

328

Hence it appears that the relation in the text was the third voyage of the English exclusive company, in the third year of their patent, but we find no account of the other two beyond what is now mentioned. It appears, however from Kelly's ship being at the same time upon the coast, that others as well as the patentees carried on this trade.-Astl. I. 242. d.

329

Melick; or Malek, in Arabic signifies king.-Astl. I. 242. e.

330

In the name or title of this negro chief or noble may be recognized the Portuguese or Spanish conde, and the Arabic amir or emir. –E.

331

From this and other passages of the present journal, it appears that the English used to carry a Portuguese along with them in their first voyages to the coast of Africa, whether from choice or by agreement with the government of Portugal does not clearly appear: and that, finding the inconvenience of this custom, they began now to lay it aside. This seems to have provoked the king of Portugal, who proposed to ruin the English trade by means of these agents or spies.-Astl. I. 214. b.

332

Hakluyt, II. 537. Astley, I.194.

333

This seems to allude to their fears of the Inquisition, if made prisoners. –E.

334

Church. Collect. III. 155.

335

It must be acknowledged that the present section can only be considered as a species of introduction or prelude to an intended narrative of an expedition: Yet such actually is the first article in Sir William Monson's celebrated Naval Tracts, as published in the Collection of Churchill; leaving the entire of the narrative an absolute blank. Nothing could well justify the adoption of this inconclusive and utterly imperfect article, but the celebrity of its author and actor: For Sir William Monson, and the editor of Churchill's Collection, seem to have dosed in giving to the public this Vox et preterea nihil. –E.

336

Hakluyt; II. 606. Astley, I. 196. The command of this expedition is attributed by the editor of Astley's Collection to captain Whiddon, on the authority of the concluding sentence. –E.

337

Four only are mentioned in the text; and it appears that they only sent away at this time the first taken ship, in which they had captured Sarmiento. –E.

338

Hakl. II. 607. Astl. I. 197.

339

Sir William Monson in his Naval Tracts, in Churchills Collection, III. 156, gives a short account of this expedition. By him the admiral ship is called the Elizabeth Bonaventure, and Sir William Burroughs is called vice admiral. From a list given by Sir William Monson of the royal navy of England left by queen Elizabeth at her death, (Church. Coll. III. 196.) the Bonaventure appears to have been of the burden of 600 tons, carrying 50 pieces of cannon and 250 men, 70 of whom were mariners, and the rest landsmen. The Lion and Rainbow of 500 tons each, with the same number of guns and men as the Bonaventure. The Dreadnought of 400 tons, 20 guns, 200 men, 50 of them seamen. –E.

340

Cape St Vincent, or rather Punta de Sagres, one of the head lands of that great promontory. –E.

341

Probably the harbour of Figuera in Algarve, a town near Cape Sagres. –E.

342

According to Sir William Monson, Church. Col. III. 156. Sir Francis Drake went upon this expedition to conciliate the merchant adventurers, to whom most of the ships of his squadron belonged. –E.

343

Sir William Monson, in the place quoted above, says he had intelligence of this carak having wintered at Mosambique, and being now expected home. –E.

344

Church. Col. III. 157.

345

Perhaps Cape Ortegal may be here meant, being the most northern head land of Spain, and not far from Corunna, called the Groyne in the text. –E.

346

This list, as given by Sir William Monson in the present article, contains only the names of the ships and commanders; the other circumstances enumerated, tonnage, guns, and men, are added from a list of the royal navy of England at the death of queen Elizabeth, which will be given hereafter. –E.

347

This surely is a poor excuse for omitting the glorious destruction of the Spanish Armada; yet in a Collection of Voyages, it were improper to attempt supplying even this great omission, by any composition of our own; as it may be found in the historians of the time. –E.

348

Our readers are requested to remember that these are the reflections of Sir William Monson, a contemporary. –E.

349

From MS. Memoirs of James Melville, a contemporary.

350

The baillies of towns in Scotland are equivalent to aldermen in England. The author here refers to the town of Anstruther, a sea port town of Fife, on the northern shore of the Firth of Forth, of which he was minister. There are two Anstruthers, easter and wester, very near each other, and now separate parishes; but it does not appear to which of these the present historical document refers: Perhaps they were then one. –E.

351

The town-house; but now generally applied to signify the prison, then, and even now, often attached to the town hall. –E.

352

Calice in this passage, and Calais in one subsequent, certainly means Cadiz in Spain; which to this day is often called Cales by English mariners. –E.

353

A mess formerly much used in Scotland among the commons, being a kind of soup maigre, composed of kail, a species of greens or coleworts, boiled in water, and thickened with oat-meal, grits, or shelled barley. –E.

354

This must signify Cadiz, as mentioned before. –E.

355

Perhaps ought to have been wrote. –E.

356

Hakluyt, II. 647. Churchill, III. 161. Astley, I. 206.

357

Astley, I. 206. a.

358

Sir William Monson, in Churchills collection, says there were five ships; and indeed we find a fifth, called the Saucy Jack, mentioned in the narrative. –E.

359

The Victory was of 800 tons, carrying 32 guns and 400 men; of whom, according to Sir William Monson, 268 were mariners, and 100 sailors, the remaining 32 being probably soldiers, or as we now call them marines. The distinction between mariners and sailors is not obvious; perhaps what are now called ordinary and able seamen,-E.

360

Sir William Monson was author of some curious Naval Tracts, giving an account of the Royal Navy of England in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James I. which are preserved in Churchills Collection, Vol. III. pp. 147-508. –E.

361

Probably that port now called Havre de Grace. –E.

362

Alluding to the Catholic League, then in alliance with Spain, and in rebellious opposition to their lawful sovereign, for the purpose of excluding the king of Navarre, afterwards Henry IV. from the crown of France. –E.

363

Sir William Monson, who gives a short account of this expedition in the Naval Tracts already quoted, says that spices to the value of L.7000 were taken out of these vessels. –E.

364

Sir William Monson says, from an English man of war. –E.

365

Guinea Pepper. –E.

366

This uncommon word seems merely to signify, ships lying at anchor in an open road. –E.

367

In the commencement of this voyage, the Meg and Margaret are named as distinct ships, one of which is said to have been sent home soon after, as unfit for sea. In this passage the Margaret and Megge are evidently different names for the same ship. –E.

368

Called otherwise Dingle Icouch by the editor of Astleys collection. –E.

369

Hakluyt, II. 660.

370

This waving amain seems to have been some salutation of defiance, then usual at sea. –E.

371

Hakluyt, II. 668. Astley, I. 216.

372

This preliminary discourse, by the famous Sir Walter Raleigh, is given from Hakluyt without alteration, except in orthography. –E.

373

Armada is a general word, signifying in Spanish a ship of war or a fleet or squadron. Generally in English it has been limited to the invincible armada, or powerful fleet fitted out by Philip II. in the vain hope of conquering England. –E.

374

This singular antiquated sea term may signify, not in sailing trim. –E.

375

He was bishop of Chiapa in New Spain, and computes the Indians destroyed by the Spaniards in about fifty years, at no fewer than twenty millions.-Astley, I. 221. a.

376

Hakluyt, II. 670.

377

Hakluyt, II. 671. Astley, I. 221.

378

Astley, I. 221.

379

In pursuance of our uniform plan, of drawing from the original sources, this article is an exact transcript from Hakluyt, only modernizing his antiquated language and orthography, and not copied from the abridgement of Astley.-.E

380

Hakluyt, II. 674. Astley, I. 225.

381

In Hakluyt, all that now follows is marked as extracted from the 99th chapter of Linschoten.

382

The denomination is not mentioned, perhaps pezos, or what we call dollars. –E.

383

De Faria says, "The season was so far advanced when he set out, that it was generally believed he would not accomplish the voyage. But he caused himself to be painted on his colours standing on Fortune; and, setting these up in his ship, declared he would perform the voyage in spite of her, and did so" As De Faria does not reflect upon him for this, it may be presumed, he thought it merely an indication of an heroic disposition.-Astley, I. 231. a.

384

De Faria gives a very advantageous character of this viceroy, saying that he was one of the most deserving of those who enjoyed that high station. He left 80,000 ducats in the treasury, besides jewels of Ceylon of great value. He thought no one could cheat him; yet, on purpose to undeceive him, a soldier drew his pay three several times by as many names. He was of middle stature, and lame of one foot, but not so in disposition and manners, being a good Christian and well-bred gentleman.-Astley, I. 231, b.

385

It is probable, from this date, that the arrival of the fleet at Tercera on the 25th August, as above, is an error; and that it only then left Ferrol; on its voyage for Tercera. –E.

386

See the English account of these events in the immediately preceding section. –E.

387

Named Britandona in the foregoing section. –E.

388

Hakluyt, III. 9. Astley, I. 245.

389

Probably a large stone ball. –E.

390

Astley, I. 249. The editor of Astleys collection gives no notice of the source whence he procured this narrative. The Spanish ships with quicksilver are usually called azogue or assogue ships; the word assogue signifying quicksilver. –E.

391

This expression seems to mean, that he forced them to run below. –E.

392

That is, bore down upon him. –E.

393

Hakluyt, III. 14. Astley, I 250.

394

Probably a boom or outrigger for the management of the after-sails. –E.

395

Church. Collect. III. 196.

396

The difference between mariners and sailors is not obvious: Perhaps the former were what are now called ordinary, and the latter able seamen. Besides, the numbers of both these united, do not make up the whole compliment of men at sea: Perhaps the deficiency, being 40 in the largest ships of this list, was made up by what were then called grummets: servants, ship-boys, or landsmen. –E.

397

This name ought probably to have been the Cygnet.

398

Hakluyt, II, 581. Astley, I. 191.

399

In Hakluyts Collection, new edition, II. 376. et seq.

400

Purchas his Pilgrims, II. 1670.

401

Otherwise called, by the English sailors, a Portuguese man-of-war. –E.

402

The Cape of Good Hope must be here meant. –E.

403

Evidently sharks, from the account of them. –E.

404

Hakluyt, II. 382.

405

I am apt to suspect the word still here used, is only meant to imply fermentation, not distillation-E.

406

In this route from Masulipatan to Agra, there are several places of which the names are so disfigured as to be unintelligible. Barrampore and Mandoway, are probably Burhampore and Candwah in the northern part of Candeish; Vgini and Serringe, may he Ougein and Seronge in Malwa. –E.

407

Futtipoor, certainly here meant, is now a place of small importance about 20 miles west from Agra. –E.

408

In Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, is the following notice respecting Mr Newberry: "Before that," meaning his journey along with Fitch, "he had travelled to Ormus in 1580, and thence into the Continent, as may appear in fitter place by his journal, which I have, passing through the countries of Persia, Media, Armenia, Georgia, and Natolia, to Constantinople; and thence to the Danube, through Walachia, Poland, Prussia, and Denmark, and thence to England."

409

At the angle of junction between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, the city of Allahabad is now situated. –E.

410

This tying of new married folks together by the clothes, was used by the Mexicans in old times.-Hakluyt.

411

In our modern maps Tanda and the country or district of Gouren are not to be found; but the ruins of Gour, which may have some reference to Gouren, are laid down in lat. 24° 52' N. long. 88° 5' E. about seven miles from the main stream of the great Ganges, and ten miles south from the town of Maida. –E.

412

This seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among the provinces of China.-Hakluyt.

The name of this country is so excessively corrupt, and the description of the route so vague, that nothing can be made out of the text at this place with any certainty. It is merely possible that he may have gone into Bootan, which is to the north of Bengal. –E.

413

In Mexico they likewise use the cacao fruit, or chocolate nut, for small money, which are not unlike almonds.-Hakluyt.

414

More accurately 22° 55' 20" N. and long. 88° 28' E. Hoogly stands on the western branch of the Ganges, called the Hoogly river, about twenty miles direct north from Calcutta. –E.

415

We thus are enabled to discover nearly the situation of Satagan or Satigan, to have been on the Hoogly river, probably where Chinsura now stands, or it may have been Chandernagor. –E.

416

Injelly, at the mouth of a small river which falls into the Hoogly, very near its discharge into the bay of Bengal. Injelly is not now considered as in Orissa, but in the district of Hoogly belonging to Bengal, above forty miles from the frontiers-E.

417

A similar cloth may be made of the long grass which grows in Virginia.-Hakluyt.

418

India seems always here limited to the Malabar coast. –E.

419

Perhaps this ought to have been, by the country of Tipera to Porto Grande. Porto Grande, formerly called Chittigong, is now called Islamabad, and is in the district of Chittigong, the most easterly belonging to Bengal. –E.

420

Aracan is certainly here meant by Recon; of Rame nothing can be made, unless Brama, or Birmah be meant. –E.

421

Bottanter almost certainly means Bootan. Of Bottia we know nothing, but it is probably meant to indicate the capital. Dermain may possibly be some corruption of Deb raja, the title of the sovereign. It is obvious from this passage, that Couche must have been to the south of Bootan, and was perhaps Coch-beyhar, a town and district in the north-east of Bengal, near the Bootan frontier. –E.

422

The saffon of Persia of the text may perhaps mean turmeric. The cambals may possibly mean camblets. –E.

423

These seem to be the mountains of Imaus, called Cumao by the natives.-Hakluyt.

The Himmaleh mountains, dividing Bootan from Thibet, said to be visible from the plains of Bengal at the distance of 150 miles. –E.

424

Perhaps Pucouloe, a place of some size near Davas between the Ganges and Burhampooter rivers. –E.

425

Serampoor on the Hoogly river agrees at least in sound with the Serrepore of the text; but, from the context, I rather suspect Serrepore to have stood among the numerous islands of the great eastern Ganges, in the province of Dava, and near the junction of the Ganges and Burhampooter or Megna rivers. Of Sinnergan I can make nothing, only that it must have stood in the same district. –E.

426

Recon has already been supposed to be Aracan, which is now quite obvious; but in what manner Mogen may refer to Ava, the next country to the south, does not appear. –E.

427

Surely the bamboo, not the sugar cane. It may be noticed, that almost the whole of this account of Pegu seems to have been borrowed from the relation of Cesar Frederick. –E.

428

The names here used are so corrupted as to be utterly unintelligible. Twenty-five days journey north from the city of Pegu, or perhaps 500 miles, would lead the author into the northern provinces of the Birman empire, of which the geography is very little known, perhaps into Assan: Yet the Langeiannes may possibly refer to Lang-shang in Laos, nearly west from Pegu. Jamahey may be Shamai, in the north of Laos; near the N.W. frontier of China. –E.

429

All the names of these islands among the Javas, or isles of Sunda are unintelligibly corrupt. –E.

430

This account of the commodities of India so very much resembles that already given in the perigrinations of Cesar Frederick, Vol. VII. p. 204, as to seem in a great measure borrowed from it, though with some variations. –E.

431

In Cesar Fredericks peregrinations, Benzoin is said to come from Siam and Assi, or Assam, which confirms the conjecture already made, of Langeiannes and the Jangomes referring to Assam. –E.

432

Fitch here repeats the ridiculous, story respecting the fabrication of musk, already given by Cesar Frederick. –E.

433

Certainly Ambergris, the origin of which from the Spermaceti whale has been formerly noticed in this work. –E.

434

Hakluyt, II. 375-381. and 399-402.

435

Most likely turmeric, anciently called turbith vegetable, in contradistinction to turbith mineral, so named from its yellow colour resembling turbith or turmeric. –E.

436

John Huighen van Linschoten, the author of the book respecting the East Indies, formerly quoted, and from which a second quotation will be given in this supplement. –E.

437

This is he whose letter to his father from Goa has been already inserted, and who was sometime of New College in Oxford.-Hakluyt.

438

It will appear afterwards that he did not continue. –E.

439

In the narrative of Fitch no such name occurs, but William Leedes jeweller, is named as one of the party. Perhaps he ought to have been named by Fitch, William Bets of Leeds. –E.

440

In the narrative of Fitch, called 124, which might easily be mistaken either way in transcription. –E.

441

This seems a mere adoption of the rumours of the Italians; as Newbery distinctly complains of the want of cash, by which he might have made very profitable purchases in Aleppo, Bagdat, and Basora. –E.

442

The captain of the castle of Ormus is named Don Mathias de Albuquerque by Fitch. –E.

443

Bardes is an island a short way north from the island of Goa, and only divided from the main-land by a small river or creek. –E.

444

This word veneseander, or venetiander, probably means, a Venetian chekin. –E.


SECTION II. Journey to India over-land, by Ralph Fitch, Merchant of London, and others, in 1583 404 | A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.VII |